Abstract
Pornography consumption may negatively impact Black men’s and women’s genital self-image. Poor genital self-image is linked to negative mental health outcomes and sexual dysfunction. Despite this, little work has examined genital self-image among Black men and women, a group whose genital self-image may be informed by racist-gendered stereotypes and perceived expectations for genital grooming. The purpose of this multigenerational qualitative study is to examine how pornography impacts genital self-image and grooming for Black heterosexual men and women. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with participants (n = 20) across four generational cohorts. An inductive content analysis resulted in three categories and four subcategories. All participants reported pornography consumption at some point in their lifetime. The degree of influence on their genital self-image and grooming was categorized in four ways: no influence, perceived influence, and direct influence, and resisting influence. There were four subcategories within the perceived and direct influence categories: pubic hair grooming & preferences, designer vaginas, penis size, and partnered expectations. Black men and women differed in their reported influence of porn on genital self-image and grooming. Implications of findings for pornography creators, sex educators, and sex partners are discussed.
Introduction
Research estimates that between 60% and 98% of men and 30–90% of women have consumed pornography in their lifetime (Ballester-Arnal et al., 2023), while upwards of 46% view pornography weekly (Regenerus et al., 2016). According to a review of pornography consumption among a nationally representative sample, from 1973 to 2016 Black men and women view pornography more than any other race (Perry & Schleifer, 2019). Black men’s pornography viewing has continued to increase over the last four decades more than any other group (Perry & Schleifer, 2019). Although pornography consumption is relevant to psychology, it has often remained on the outskirts of psychological research on sexuality (Grubbs & Kraus, 2021). This is especially true for Black men and women and is evident in the dearth of literature on their pornography consumption and the effects of pornography on their mental health, relationships, and sexual self-awareness.
Racist stereotypes that exist in pornography portray Black people as hypersexual and reduce them to their genitalia and sexual performance. For example, in big Black cock (BBC) porn, Black men are depicted as having big penises, and their value is rooted solely in their genitalia and sexual prowess, thus contributing to stereotypes of Black men as animalistic (Cowan and Campbell, 1994, Lincoln, 1970). According to Black lesbian scholar Alice Walker, “the Black man is defined solely by the size, readiness, and unselectivity of his penis” (Walker, 1980, p.103). Black and interracial pornography came onto the market in 1982 and was produced to fulfill White men’s fantasy of Black sexuality (Mapp, 1982, Santiago, 1990). In 2022, “ebony” “bbc”, and “black” were all in the top searched terms on Pornhub, #3, #9, and #13 respectively (Pornhub, 2022). Additionally, “ebony” was the most frequently searched category in 2022 (Pornhub, 2022), indicating society’s desire to view Black bodies in pornography and potentially objectify them. Black feminist scholar, Dr. Patricia Hill Collins, argues that pornography is grounded in racism and sexism and is “a site of intersecting oppressions” (Collins, 2000, p. 149). Intersectionality acknowledges how these intersecting oppressions create racist-sexist sexual stereotypes that influence Black men and women’s body image (Collins, 2000). The representations of Black bodies in porn are a result of racism and sexism that evolved from the history of slavery and oppression (Gardner, 1980; Collins, 1993; Hooks, 1990). Black women are often shown as animalistic sex objects that are receptacles for men’s pleasure (particularly White men) (Collins, 2000). They are often portrayed as promiscuous, exploited sex objects (Mapp, 1982, hooks, 1990; Gardner, 1989). Additionally, Cruz (2015) highlights the historical violence that Black people have faced and concludes that any Black race-focused pornography that features bondage, discipline/domination, sadism/submission, and masochism (BDSM) only highlights the submission and pain that exists between Black and White race relations. In pornography, Black men and women are “a fetish, instead of actual art” (Tillman & Wells, 2023; p. 807). Black women desire to see positive representations of themselves in pornography, and tend to be more aware of the stereotypical and harmful depictions of Black women within pornography based on their lived experiences of these racial stereotypes and racialized sexualization (Tillman & Wells, 2023). For Black male actors, racism is demonstrated through portraying racist stereotypes, being presented as lower class, fewer displays of intimacy with their female counterparts, and being praised for thier of larger penis (Cowan & Campbell, 1994). For Black female actors, racism is demonstrated through the number of physical and verbally aggressive behaviors directed toward them in pornography (regardless of the race of the male actor) versus toward White women as well as greater cues of submissiveness and subordination (e.g., performing oral sex on their knees despite initial resistance) (Cowan & Campbell, 1994). Although the content analyses by Cowan and Campbell were conducted nearly 30 years ago, a more recent content analysis conducted in 2014 by Fritz and colleagues (2021) confirmed the same results 20 years later. Therefore, due to the objectification of Black bodies within pornography is hypothesized to have a negative impact on Black women’s genital self-image.
Genital self-image can be described as the degree to which a person likes or feels positively toward their own genital appearance and functioning (Herbenick & Reece, 2010). Similar to body image appraisals and perceptions, individuals can have positive or negative genital self-image. Negative genital self-image has been linked to negative mental health outcomes and sexual dysfunction among women, including less frequent engagement in sexual intercourse, more negative cognitive-affective responses, and poorer decisions about genital health and care (DeMaria et al., 2012; Herbenick et al., 2011). Positive genital self-image has been correlated with higher levels of desire and lower rates of depression and sexual distress among women (Berman et al., 2003). Additionally, both men and women who have positive genital self-image reported more positive feelings about their body image overall and reduced concerns about their body’s appearance and performance during sexual intercourse (Komarnicky et al., 2019). Genital self-image tends to focus on genital appearance (e.g., pubic hair, color, labia size) and odor for women and penis size for men (Komarnicky et al., 2019). Research on racially diverse samples has shown that men often report more positive genital self-image than women (Smith et al., 2017).
The United States has typically favored Eurocentric standards of beauty (Collins, 2000), which has manifested itself in societal expectations and racist ideologies regarding the appearance of female genitalia (Gilman, 1985, Gunter, 2019; Nurka & Jones, 2013; Oswald et al., 2022). For example, the scientific interest in the larger size labia of Black women can be dated back to the 17th century and have since been framed as less desirable, aged, worn, deviant and inferior (Nurka & Jones, 2013; Oswald et al., 2022). However, in more recent research, when shown images of preoperative labia of Black and White women, Black women’s labia was perceived as normal, and ideal based on societal and personal standards (Oswald et al., 2023). Although research on Black men and women’s genital self-image is scarce, research on nationally representative samples has shown that Black men (Herbenick et al., 2013) and women (Berman & Wendecker, 2008; Herbenick et al., 2011) have the highest genital self-image scores compared to men and women of other races. It is hypothesized that these findings could be a result of social desirability (King, 2022), in which Black men and women often feel pressured to live up to society’s expectations of them having higher sexual self-esteem and confidence (Bowleg et al., 2017); therefore they exaggerate their ratings. However, Black men and women could also have positive feelings toward their genital self-image due to the limited desire for social comparison.
Pornography has the largest media influence on women’s considerations of labiaplasty (Sharp et al., 2015). Genitals are often the central focus of sexual acts in pornography; therefore, it is not surprising that pornography consumption has been shown to influence genital self-image, especially among women (Morrison et al., 2007). In a 2014 content analysis of 400 pornographic videos, there was a focus on sexual body parts and close up of female genital areas in 61% of scenes, while male genital close-ups only occurred in 19% of scenes (Klassen & Peter, 2015). In pornography, genitalia can be digitally or cosmetically altered, depicting larger than average penis size in men and smaller Labia minora among women (Mattebo et al., 2012, Stewart and Szymanski, 2012). Additionally, both male and female genitalia are often shown with minimal or no pubic hair. Specifically, among women, pornography idealizes hairlessness and pre-pubescent female genitals and depicts hairless genitals as the industry standard (Cokal, 2007, Schick et al., 2011). Women’s perceptions of the size of their labia majora are often influenced by pornography. For example, in softcore to medium pornography, women do not have protruding labia minora (McDougall, 2013); the pornography actresses are often chosen their labia minora size and sometimes their protruding labia tissue is digitally removed in the United States (Davis, 2002, Green, 2005, McDougall, 2013). Additionally, within the US smaller labia are considered attractive and ideal, and protruding labia are associated with racial inferiority (Solanki et al., 2010), uncleanliness (Nurka & Jones, 2013), and being aged/worn (Cauterucci, 2016; Mock, 2012). Therefore, Black women often face unrealistic standards regarding their genital appearance that are rooted in racial sexist stereotypes and biases (Coles and Pasek, 2020; McGee, 2021).
Research on the impact of pornography viewing on men’s and women’s genital self-image is contradictory (Cranney, 2015; Morrison et al., 2007); however, none of these studies focused primarily on Black samples. For example, two qualitative studies have found when women compare their bodies to those of women in porn, they are more likely to feel inadequate and label their bodies as ugly and repulsive (Bergner and Bridges, 2002, Löfgren-Mårtenson and Månsson, 2010). Additionally, the impact of pornography on genital grooming has yet to be explored.
Over the last five decades, research has shown changing trends in pubic hair in pornography. While more recently, porn stars have no pubic hair or just a “landing strip”, this was not always the case. In the 70 s, 80 s, and 90 s, genital hair was quite popular with both men and women (Hay, 2017). In the 90 s, if a man preferred a woman without genital hair, it was seen as a fetish; however, by the end of the 90 s, the landing strip was a pornographic norm (Hay, 2017). Then, in the 2000 s, Brazilian waxes and lasering became the norm (Chou, 2015). For some women, a man’s desire to have a female partner who is fully shaved might indicate that he has a perversion or desire to have sex with people who are prepubescent because pubic hair is a sign of aging. Additionally, the popularization of hairless genitals in porn may lead individuals to experience increased pressure to remove hair from their own genitals, as they believe their peers may expect it.
In a 2017 article about hair trends in pornography, Hay found that many performers waxed or shaved their genitals for years to get into the industry, in fear that their pubic hair would be seen as gross, weird, or unnatural. Additionally, people who had been in the industry longer reported that many booking calls explicitly called for a clean crotch shave. However, the trends regarding pubic hair in pornography are split. On the one hand, some reports show that between one-third and one-half of women in porn have decided not to shave, while on the other, directors report that over the last 15 years, the majority of female porn stars have opted to be hairless (Hay, 2017).
Research shows that 86.6% of women currently remove their pubic hair and are more likely to completely remove versus trimming or just removing some of it (DeMaria et al., 2014). Pubic hair removal is a growing phenomenon that often involves shaving, waxing, or sugaring to remove pubic hair regularly. In a study on lower-income Black women ages 16–40, 67% reported grooming their pubic hair, and 90% did it themselves (DeMaria & Bereneson, 2013). The most reported method of pubic hair grooming was using a razor; however, due to the increase in other methods being shown on television (especially reality TV) over the last decade, people may be more likely to use sugaring, lasering, or waxing over shaving. Additionally, 43.4% of Black women said they groomed at least once per month, 33% at least once a week, and 23.6% on special occasions (DeMaria & Bereneson, 2013). Black women’s top two reasons for engaging in pubic hair grooming were to have a neater and cleaner look and because they found pubic hair unattractive (DeMaria & Bereneson, 2013). Although pubic hair removal may be aesthetically pleasing for some women, others stop removing their pubic hair due to the myriad of health consequences. Pubic hair removal can result in an increased risk of STIs, skin irritation, hyperpigmentation, vulvar and vaginal irritation and infection, lacerations from razors, and severe burns from waxing (Glass et al., 2012; Dendle et al., 2007; Tiggemann & Hodgson, 2008; Truesdale et al., 2017).
Understanding the generational influence that pornography has on Black men and women’s pubic hair preferences will aid in the facilitation of open, medically-accurate, conversations about the health consequences of genital hair removal and reduce the perceived pressure to meet societal standards of grooming. Additionally, we need to understand how pornography shapes Black men’s and women’s genital self-image, as low genital self-image could ultimately result in sexual dysfunction. Therefore, the purpose of this multigenerational qualitative study is to examine the impact of pornography on heterosexual Black men and women’s genital self-image and pubic hair grooming.
Objectification Theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) provides a framework for understanding Black people’s genital self-image. Sexual objectification factors into the racial oppression Black people experience by reducing them to their bodies and sexual functioning through a sexually objectified gaze (Stanton et al., 2022, Anderson et al., 2018). Objectified gaze can occur in social encounters or visual media, like pornography (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997, Miller-Young, 2014; Wilson et al., 2022). Over time, sexual objectification may lead to self-objectification – a process in which individuals view themselves as objects (Roberts et al., 2018). For example, women’s bodies are objectified more in the media than men’s bodies; therefore, women may be more likely to objectify themselves than men (Ward, 2016). Given some pornography’s implicit or explicit sexualization of Black people (Miller-Young, 2014), viewing pornography may increase their self-objectification and lead to psychological consequences like mental health concerns, constant body surveillance, and a critical preoccupation with physical appearance (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997).
While all women may experience sexual objectification, they likely have different experiences and responses based on their itntersecting identities (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Scholars have confirmed this observation – specifically Black feminists illuminating the impact of chattel slavery on Black women’s sexuality (Collins, 2000, Watson et al., 2012). During slavery, Black women were treated as objects for labor, reproduction, and rape (Roberts, 2014). White enslavers justified Black women’s treatment through sexual stereotypes (e.g., Jezebel) and an objectifying gaze, rendering them subhuman (Roberts, 2014). Sarah Baartman’s story provides a salient example of Black women’s objectification during slavery (Collins, 2000). Sarah was an enslaved Khoi woman exhibited because of the size and shape of her genitalia (Qureshi, 2004). Following her death, Sarah’s body remained under surveillance, study, and dissection in Paris until the late; her remains were not repatriated to South Africa until 2002 (Qureshi, 2004). The sexual exploitation and misrepresentation of Sarah’s body parallel some representations of Black women’s bodies in pornography.
While most sexual objectification literature focuses on women (Szymanski et al., 2019), Black men’s historical experiences of objectification also warrant attention. Indeed, enslaved Black men also experienced sexual violence and exploitation (Foster, 2011) – a fact often erased and replaced with stereotypical beliefs that Black men are hypersexual and aggressive (Ghavami & Peplau, 2013; Rosenthal et al., 2020). Accompanying these beliefs the reduction of Black men to their penis and sexual prowess (Jones, 2020). In summary, objectification theory bridges Black men and women’s sociohistorical and contemporary contexts regarding genital self-image and pornography. This study uses sexual objectification theory to explore the ways Black men and women are represented in pornography and the impacts these images have on their genital self-image and grooming preferences.